Explore effective strategies to boost and growth employees opportunities in developing countries, including industrialization, wage-goods focus, labor-intensive technology, and direct interventions. Discover actionable measures for rural employment growth and innovative ways to enhance employee engagement and retention within organizations.
A Guide to Creating Employee Growth Opportunities. This article explores four key strategies for boosting employment in developing countries:
Below are 4 strategies boost or Growth Opportunities Every Employee Should Explore
Inspired by Western developed nations, many developing countries adopted an industrialization-led strategy to create productive employment in the modern industrial sector. This approach aims to generate more job opportunities by accelerating investment and capital formation, thereby achieving a higher rate of industrial growth. It views labour and capital as complementary inputs.
However, the growth of capital and modern industries in developing countries has often been too slow to keep pace with population growth, leading to widespread unemployment and underemployment due to insufficient capital to employ the workforce. This strategy, therefore, emphasizes capital accumulation as crucial for job creation.
This strategy correctly emphasizes the importance of capital goods (tools, machinery, infrastructure) for generating productive employment in both large-scale and small-scale industries, as well as in agriculture. Increased supply of these goods can boost overall output and employment.
However, a significant drawback is its failure to adequately recognize the importance of wage-goods (e.g., food grains) as a constraint on employment generation. While capital goods are necessary for productive employment, wage-goods are crucial to sustain the newly employed workforce. The assertion that only wage-goods are sufficient for employment is unrealistic; both capital goods and wage-goods are essential.
Experience has shown that even with high industrial growth and increased capital formation, this strategy has not generated sufficient employment opportunities, as seen in India’s industrial sector growth and capital formation rates over four decades.
Moreover, these strategies have largely ignored the potential for productive labour absorption in agriculture, viewing it primarily as a source of labour for industries. However, there is significant scope for employment in Indian agriculture through increased cropping intensity, improved irrigation, and the adoption of high-yielding technologies, while avoiding reckless mechanization.
Finally, most industrial growth-focused strategies have overlooked the importance of institutional reforms, especially in agriculture. Land reforms, such as redistribution and changes in tenancy, can create substantial employment opportunities for landless labourers, small and marginal farmers, and sharecroppers, by addressing inequalities in land ownership and promoting efficient land utilization. In conclusion, agriculture holds immense employment potential if proper strategies involving technological and institutional changes are adopted, a fact often overlooked by growth-oriented employment strategies.
This strategy, advanced by Vakil and Brahmananda, critiques the industrialization-led approach for neglecting the constraint of wage-goods on employment generation. They argue that unemployment and disguised unemployment in less developed countries stem from a deficiency in the supply of wage-goods.
According to them, the level of employment is determined by the available amount of wage-goods because new employment cannot be sustained without adequate provisions, particularly food grains. As newly employed individuals’ demand for wage-goods increases, a “wage-goods gap” emerges, which must be bridged by expanding the production capacity for wage-goods to achieve full employment.
Unlike Mahalanobis’s focus on fixed capital, Vakil and Brahmananda emphasized the role of wage-goods as capital. Brahmananda later modified his strategy to include an “Integrated Wage-Goods Complex,” encompassing both wage-goods and the capital goods needed to produce them.
They proposed a development strategy prioritizing wage-goods industries, especially agriculture, in investment patterns, criticizing the emphasis on basic heavy industries in India’s Second and Third Plans. They also suggested that disguised unemployment holds a saving potential in the form of wage-goods, which, if released, could provide employment in the investment sector. However, they believed this released surplus alone would be insufficient, necessitating an expansion of wage-goods production capacity.
Professor Amartya Sen, a Nobel laureate, has also highlighted the deficiency of wage-goods supply as a crucial bottleneck hindering wage employment expansion in less developed countries, arguing for high priority to wage-goods industries, especially agriculture, in investment strategies.
The assertion that employment growth depends solely on wage-goods, with no significant role for capital goods, is questionable. Both capital goods and wage-goods are vital for creating productive employment. Expanding employment requires overcoming both capital goods and wage-goods bottlenecks.
While wage-goods are necessary to meet the demands of the newly employed, capital goods are essential for individuals to engage in productive activities in the first place, and also for the production of wage-goods themselves. As Professor Dantwala noted, capital goods and wage-goods are interconnected, especially in the transformation of traditional agriculture.
Therefore, an effective development strategy for rapid employment expansion must focus on increasing the production of both wage-goods and capital goods. The debate of “wage-goods versus capital goods” is a false dichotomy; both are needed—capital goods for productive employment and wage-goods to sustain the workforce. This doesn’t mean all capital goods industries must be developed domestically; decisions on domestic production versus import should be based on resource endowments and comparative advantage.
This school of thought, led by Schumacher, Singer, and Myrdal, attributes unemployment and underemployment in developing countries to the use of capital-intensive technology. They observe that while industrial output has grown, employment growth has lagged, leading to a large surplus labour force, especially with rapid population growth.
Capital-intensive technologies not only create few new jobs but also displace employment in traditional household industries, a “backwash effect” as termed by Myrdal. Products from modern, capital-intensive manufacturing often drive out those from traditional industries, leading to job losses and increased unemployment. Todaro’s labour migration model further explains urban unemployment, where a few high-wage jobs in the modern urban sector attract more rural workers than it can absorb.
While some, like Galenson-Leibenstein and Amartya Sen, argue that capital-intensive techniques generate more surplus for reinvestment and thus greater long-term employment, empirical evidence, such as India’s saving and investment trends, questions this. Household savings, often from labour-intensive sectors, have grown significantly, casting doubt on the argument that capital-intensive techniques necessarily lead to greater surplus and employment growth.
Another issue with capital-intensive technology is its tendency to create high profit-wage ratios, exacerbating income inequality. This fosters demand for luxuries, often produced by capital-intensive methods, thus limiting the market for labour-intensive goods consumed by the working class. This creates a vicious circle, hindering both direct and indirect employment growth.
There are two main perspectives on why developing countries use capital-intensive technology despite surplus labour:
This strategy effectively highlights the importance of appropriate technological choices in labour-surplus economies. While appropriate technologies for many industries may not yet exist and require further R&D, removing factor price distortions is essential to encourage their development and use. While industrial worker wages may not be excessively high, the effective price of capital is often low due to subsidies. Therefore, reducing tax concessions on capital investment and raising lending rates can curb the tendency to substitute capital for labour. In agriculture, high-yielding technology (HYV, fertilizers, pesticides) is considered appropriate as it boosts yields and is labour-absorptive.
This approach tackles unemployment not by emphasizing specific resource allocation or technological choices, but through special employment schemes, particularly rural public works. It posits that regular economic growth alone cannot alleviate unemployment and underemployment in the near future.
This strategy often combines rural public works with “food for work” programs, where workers are paid in food grains (with some monetary remuneration). The UPA Government’s Common Minimum Programme highlighted food for work. Dandekar and Rath, among others, championed large-scale rural public works to address mass poverty, which they linked to unemployment and underemployment. The Bhagwati Committee on Unemployment and various economists like J.P. Lewis and Amartya Sen also strongly recommended rural public works.
The “Food for Work Programme,” implemented in 1977-78 and later incorporated into the Sixth Five Year Plan, addressed the wage-goods constraint by paying wages largely in food grains. This program continues as the “National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme,” aiming to provide supplementary employment to the rural poor. Projects under this scheme include soil and water conservation, irrigation, flood protection, construction of community assets, and improvements in village infrastructure.
Offering employment to the rural poor (landless labourers, marginal farmers) and creating durable community assets that promote rural development. They can also ensure reasonable wages for agricultural workers by providing alternative employment avenues.
However, the idea that rural public works can substitute for a comprehensive development strategy is questionable. As primarily construction activities, they offer, at best, a short-term solution to unemployment. The long-term solution lies in a development strategy incorporating appropriate technological and institutional changes for labour-surplus economies.
Nevertheless, rural public works play a vital role in an employment-oriented strategy. By building durable assets and infrastructure, they can facilitate future employment generation in agriculture and rural industries. To achieve this, rural public works must be integrated into an overall rural development strategy rather than being implemented in isolation. Understanding your Identify Growth Opportunities for Employees.
Here are ten growth or measures for creating additional employees opportunities in rural areas:
Below is a one-page “menu” of high-impact growth opportunities you can offer employees without automatically promoting them to a new title. Pick 2–3 per person, write them into quarterly OKRs, and you’ll see engagement, retention and internal mobility rise within two cycles.
Pick 2–3, calendar them, and review impact every quarter. Growth doesn’t require a promotion—it requires intentional exposure, skill practice and visible impact. Now you can Unlocking Potential: Growth Opportunities for Employees.
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